Citizens for Tax Justice Report Misleads Policymakers and the Public
Citizens for Tax Justice (CTJ), in conjunction with its sister organization, the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (ITEP), on December 7 released a report claiming that 265 of America’s largest and most profitable corporations “…avoided a total of $42.7 billion in state corporate income taxes over the three years [2008-2010].” [“Corporate Tax Dodging in the Fifty States, 2008-2010”] The study, which focuses exclusively on state and local corporate income taxes, is deeply flawed and distorts the state corporate income tax system. Moreover, it misleads policymakers and the public regarding the true composition of business tax payments to state and local governments. It is unfortunate that the report, purportedly a comprehensive research paper, is so overtly political in its scope and message.
What the Authors Deliberately Left Out:
As is the case with any study, readers should ask themselves what the study excludes. In the case of the CTJ study, the answer to this question is enlightening:
The CTJ study looks at only state and local corporate income taxes. The study does not include franchise, net worth, capital stock, gross receipts, excise or other similar business taxes. Perhaps more importantly, the study also excludes all property taxes, sales taxes, and payroll taxes paid by companies during those three years.
In FY 2010, businesses paid $619 billion in total state and local taxes. Of that amount, total state and local corporate income taxes were $44.1 billion. Thus, the taxes CTJ chose not to mention are 14 times larger than the taxes CTJ chose to include in the study. In other words, the CTJ study covers only about 7% of total state and local business taxes.[1]
CTJ Assumes Status of Benevolent Dictator
To reach its conclusions, CTJ ignores laws enacted by democratically elected legislators. For CTJ, a company whose effective tax rate is lower than the top statutory rate is somehow “avoiding” taxes. CTJ conveniently leaves out of the study those deductions and credits that legitimate tax policy experts would not question, such as the deduction for net operating losses. If CTJ had conducted a similar analysis on individual income taxes, it would ignore child care credits, personal exemptions, the home mortgage interest deduction and a myriad of other deductions and credits. It would then claim that individuals who claim these deductions and credits were somehow “avoiding” taxes they should have been paying.
CTJ Apparently Unconcerned with Economic Development
Economic development is discussed only as a negative in the CTJ study. The study bemoans “elected officials who find it difficult to resist entreaties from corporations for tax breaks.” This negative impression of economic development demonstrates a serious disconnect between CTJ and the overwhelming majority of state policymakers. Most of those policymakers make informed decisions to willingly trade lower corporate income tax collections for job and investment growth, which in turn drives other state and local tax revenues. As noted above, state revenues derived from non-income-based business taxes dwarf state corporate income tax collections.
CTJ Distorts the Details
The CTJ’s three-year study of specific corporations is framed by the assertion that state corporate income taxes have long been declining due to three “broad causes:” 1) federal corporate tax cuts; 2) “ill-advised” tax incentives; and 3) “tax shelters created by corporations armed with creative accounting staffs.” The study counts on the fact that the public is unaware of the complexities of the state corporate income tax system and the information available from company financial reports. The following are but a few of the ways in which CTJ plays on public ignorance to distort the facts.
The study ignores perhaps the greatest reason for the decline in state corporate income taxes – the tremendous growth in the use of limited liability companies and other pass-through entities. Most states did not recognize LLCs until the mid-90s. Since then, their use has grown exponentially.[2] Tax revenues from businesses operating as LLCs are reflected in increased personal income tax revenues.
The study purports to include only companies with earnings over the three-year period, but the authors admit they have manipulated those audited book earnings to adjust for accounting methods the authors disagree with – despite the fact that companies are required to follow such accounting methods under Generally Accepted Accounting Principles (GAAP). These adjustments, by their very nature, will always increase the book income measure.
The study admits to making the false assumption that the company’s annual report information on state taxes equals the state income taxes actually “paid” in any given state or even in total for that year. The financial provision for state tax expense, under GAAP, includes the results of prior year audit settlements occurring in the current year, other deferred tax expenses, and any other items from prior years that impact the current financial statement. Accordingly, comparing the state income tax provision on the financial statements to a percentage of “U.S. Profits” as determined by the authors is a comparison of apples and oranges.
The CTJ authors ignore the impact of net operating loss (NOL) carryovers. When a corporation incurs a loss, state and federal tax laws allow that company to offset that loss against future (and past) earnings. NOL provisions are designed to avoid penalizing companies for the artificial difference between the annual tax reporting cycle and the normal business cycle. Thus a significant loss in one year can impact the amount of tax a company pays in both prior and subsequent years.
The three years covered by the study happen to coincide with the worst recession the nation has suffered since World War II. One would expect the corporate income tax to behave precisely as designed during periods of economic downturn – if income is down, so are income taxes. Not coincidentally, the last time CTJ issued a similar report was in 2005, addressing the years 2001-2003, precisely matching our nation’s previous recession.
The study, astonishingly, recommends mandatory worldwide combined reporting – a reporting methodology that was thoroughly discredited in the 1990s when our foreign trading partners threatened retaliatory taxation against the USA for states’ use of the methodology. No states currently impose mandatory worldwide combined reporting against general businesses.
The study’s findings are skewed by the fact that seven states – Michigan, Nevada, Ohio, South Dakota, Texas, Washington, and Wyoming – did not impose a state corporate income tax during the years in question. However, four of those states – Ohio, Michigan, Texas and Washington, imposed a version of a gross receipts tax that was, in effect, a stand-in for a state corporate income tax. None of the revenues collected under those taxes are considered under the study. Further, even among states with a corporate income tax, such taxes are imposed on vastly different entity and income bases. Thus, to extrapolate an “average” tax rate from an aggregate number in company financial reports is meaningless.
The report recommends several “tools” to close what the authors perceive to be “corporate loopholes” in the state corporate income tax — including combined reporting and throwback of sales receipts in the apportionment formula – but fails to note that states have been addressing these issues for decades. The report fails to mention that the majority of states without combined reporting have enacted “addback statutes” that effectively prevent income shifting between corporate entities. The report also fails to note that among the states that levy a corporate income tax, more than half have adopted a throwback rule as a way to reach across state lines to tax revenues not taxed by other states. Despite its use, the throwback rule has been derided by leading public policy economists as a policy that taxes the wrong income, by the wrong state, at the wrong rate. [3]
Conclusion
CTJ’s exclusive focus on state corporate income taxes is likely to resonate with uninformed readers, particularly individuals whose primary contact with our federal tax system is through the personal income tax. The informed reader, however, should understand that the study ignores over-taxation at the state and local level of many businesses through income and non-income taxes.
These non-income taxes are more than 14 times greater than the state corporate net income tax, and must be included in any responsible and serious discussion of state business tax burdens. CTJ’s proposals to collect more corporate income taxes are decades old and have been duly considered, and in many cases rejected, by legislatures in many states. Most legislators, unlike CTJ, are more concerned with job and investment growth than adopting policies that would make their states less competitive in our global economy.
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Questions regarding this Legislative Alert should be directed to Doug Lindholm at 202/484-5212.